Sanctions are a form of intervention. Depending upon how they are used, they can cause great damage to innocent people—as well as to American business, workers, and U. In addition, sanctions can reduce U. Elimination of education, training, and aid for foreign militaries, mandated by Congress to express displeasure with Pakistan and Indonesia, reduced U. Foreign policy is not therapy, and its purpose is not to feel good but to do good. The same holds for sanctions. Multilateral support for economic sanctions should normally constitute a prerequisite for their use by the United States.
Such support need not be simultaneous, but it should be all but certain and likely to follow with little delay. Unilateral sanctions should be avoided except in those circumstances in which the United States is in a unique situation to derive leverage based on the economic relationship with the target.
This is not so much a normative assertion as a pragmatic one, based on the overwhelming evidence that unilateral sanctions achieve little. Secondary sanctions are not a desirable means of bringing about multilateral support for sanctions. Instituting sanctions against those who do not comply with the sanctions at issue is an admission of a diplomatic failure to persuade.
It is also an expensive response. The costs to U. Economic sanctions should focus on those responsible for the offending behavior or on penalizing countries in the realm that stimulated sanctions in the first place.
A focused response helps avoid jeopardizing other interests and the entire bilateral relationship with the target over one area of disagreement; causes less collateral damage to innocents; and makes it less difficult to garner multinational support.
Sanctions designed to stem the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are a prime example. Where there are transgressions, the United States should direct any sanction against the foreign firm involved or, if the government is to blame, should cut off technological cooperation or trade in this area.
A corollary is that political sanctions should be used sparingly if at all. We should resist the temptation to break diplomatic relations or cancel high-level meetings.
Such interactions provide opportunities for U. Sanctions should not be used to hold major or complex bilateral relationships hostage to a single issue or set of concerns. This is especially the case with a country such as China, where the United States has to balance interests that include maintaining stability in South Asia and on the Korean Peninsula, discouraging any support for the weapons of mass destruction or ballistic missile programs of rogue states, managing the Taiwan-China situation, and promoting trade, market reform, and human rights.
A nearly identical argument could be made about the wisdom of applying broad sanctions against Russia or India because of their transgressions in one realm. The alternative to broad sanctions in such instances is either to adopt narrow sanctions that are germane to the issue at hand or to turn to other policy tools.
Humanitarian exceptions should be included as part of any comprehensive sanctions. Innocents should not be made to suffer any more than is absolutely necessary. Including an exception that allows a target to import food and medicine should also make it easier to bring about domestic and international support. Policymakers should prepare and send to Congress a policy statement before or soon after a sanction is put in place.
To cite just one example, the legislation that led to sanctions in against India lacks any road map for how the sanctions might be reduced or lifted. In addition, policymakers should explain why a particular sanction was selected as opposed to other sanctions or other policy tools. All sanctions embedded in legislation should provide for presidential discretion in the form of a waiver authority.
Discretion would allow the President to suspend or terminate a sanction if he judged it was in the interests of national security to do so. Such latitude is needed if relationships are not to become hostage to one interest and if the executive is to have the flexibility needed to explore whether the introduction of limited incentives can bring about a desired policy end.
Waivers exercised in May in laws calling for secondary sanctions against non-American firms doing business with Iran, Libya, and Cuba had a salutary effect on U.
The absence of waivers is likely to haunt U. Sanctions will make it more difficult to influence future Indian and Pakistani decisions involving the deployment or even use of nuclear weapons—and could contribute to instability inside Pakistan, thereby eroding control over these weapons. Their eldest son, Joseph, became Holy Roman Emperor. Maria Theresa abandoned all ornamentation, had her hair cut short, painted her rooms black, and dressed in mourning for the rest of her life.
She completely withdrew from court life, public events, and theater. Privacy Policy. Skip to main content. Search for:.
Empress Maria-Theresa Key Points Maria Theresa — was the only female ruler of the Habsburg dominions and the last of the House of Habsburg. Consequently, she explicitly rejected the idea of religious tolerance.
Her initiatives included the study of infant mortality, countering wasteful and unhygienic burial customs, and inoculation of children. In a new school system based on the Prussian one, all children of both genders had to attend school from the ages of 6 to Education reform was not immediately effective.
Key Terms Jansenist An advocate of a Catholic theological movement, primarily in France, that emphasized original sin, human depravity, the necessity of divine grace, and predestination. The movement originated from the posthumously published work of the Dutch theologian Cornelius Jansen, who died in Three victories in display his military skill to such advantage that his contemporaries accord him the title by which he is known to history, Frederick the Great.
Meanwhile his young antagonist, Maria Theresa, has been demonstrating her greatness in a different context. From the summer of Maria Theresa has French and Bavarian forces to cope with, as well as the Prussians. He now claims her father's title as Holy Roman emperor a dignity agreed to be for men only together with a share of the Habsburg inheritance. It suits the French to support him, eager as they always are to diminish Habsburg power.
In November they enter Prague. Maria Theresa, who has to flee from Vienna, is advised on all sides to come to terms. Instead she withdraws, in fighting mood, to the Hungarian border. In Bratislava the young queen gives a passionate address to a Hungarian parliament, beseeching the nobles and gentry for their help.
They are sufficiently moved to promise her , men. In the event only 20, ill-trained Hungarians are moblized, but Maria Theresa's spirit and strategic sense saves her throne. She leaves Frederick for the moment in undisturbed possession of a large part of Silesia. In the resulting lull, the Austrian armies can give full attention to the French and Bavarians.
They drive them back so successfully that by the end of January the Austrians are in the Bavarian capital, Munich though Prague is not recovered till December. Continuing warfare in Germany during leaves the Austrians in possession of Bavaria, but also points up an anomaly. French forces have been supporting the Bavarian claimant against Austria, and British armies have joined the fray on the side of the Austrians. Indeed there is a direct clash between French and British in June at Dettingen a victory for George II on the last occasion when a British king leads an army in battle.
Yet officially France and Britain are not at war with each other. They are merely marching in support of their allies. This changes in France's declaration of war on Britain in shifts the focus of hostilities away from central Europe. Britain, eager that Austrian armies shall concentrate on France, persuades Maria Theresa to come to terms with her real enemy, Frederick the Great. By the treaty of Dresden in she cedes the greater part of Silesia to Prussia. For the next few years Maria Theresa remains in the war as a half-hearted ally of Britain against France.
Frederick has sufficient time on his hands to build the rococo summer palace of Sans Souci at Potsdam, in Both monarchs await the eventual settlement, which comes in at Aachen, or Aix-la-Chapelle. The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle makes certain adjustments between Austria and Spain in the patchwork of Italy. Otherwise, with one exception, it restores to their previous owners the territories occupied during the eight years of the War of the Austrian Succession.
Bavaria , occupied by the Austrians, has already been returned to the elector. Now the Austrian Netherlands , taken by the French, revert to Austria. The exception is Silesia. Its sudden seizure by Frederick the Great launched the war in This is a loss which Maria Theresa of Austria has to accept, but it will rankle.
Nevertheless her own possession of the Habsburg inheritance, another cause of the war, is now secure and recognized. Moreover fate has already brought back to Vienna a lost Habsburg dignity. But he dies just three years later. Skip to main content. Search for:. The Pragmatic Sanction Learning Objective Explain the contents of the Pragmatic Sanction and its intended purpose.
Key Points The Pragmatic Sanction was an edict issued by Charles VI on April 19, , to ensure that the Habsburg hereditary possessions could be inherited by a daughter. It did not affect the office of Holy Roman Emperor because the Imperial crown was elective, not hereditary, although successive elected Habsburg rulers headed the Holy Roman Empire since Charles soon expressed a wish to amend this pact to give his own future daughters precedence over his nieces.
The Pragmatic Sanction of was the first such document to be publicly announced and as such required formal acceptance by the estates of the realms it concerned. All the major empires and states agreed to recognize the sanction, but some Habsburg territories, including Hungary and Bohemia, did not initially accept it.
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