These scholars accepted the theory that the 19th-century Albanian nation represented a direct ethnic continuity of the autochthonous Balkan people—the ancient Illyrians. For Albanian scientists, it is incontestable that not only cultural but also ethnic continuity extends [End Page 45] from the ancient Illyrians to present-day Albanians. Many 20th-century scholars, especially after the Second World War, however, held the opposite opinion, i.
They claimed that the Albanians are not a native Balkan population but newcomers to present-day Albania from more or less distant regions. Nevertheless, the second approach to the question of Albanian ethnogenesis, i. The Albanians believe themselves to be the last pure and direct descendants of the ancient Illyrians, the Balkan people who lived on the peninsula in antiquity. Many scholars consider the Albanians the offspring population of the ancient inhabitants of the Balkan Peninsula, either the Pelasgians or the Illyrians, i.
The Albanian national movement Rilindja assumed an anti-South-Slavic mostly anti-Serbian and anti-Greek politico-ideological orientation, which, in any case, cannot be considered anti-Christian. Albanian national identity is derived from confrontation with and differences relative to their neighbors. The first book in Albanian, a missal, was written in by Gjon Buzuku, a Catholic priest from the Shkodra region.
Pjeter Budi, Archbishop of Sape, also translated and adapted several Italian texts to Albanian in the same period. Schumacher and Matzinger are concentrating their scholarship mostly on the work of Pjeter Bogdani, Archbishop of Prizren, who wrote half-a-century later. Matzinger says that when Bogdani published the book he was under some pressure from the Inquisition. As the Inquisition did not know Albanian, and were not sure what he wrote, they forced him to make an Italian translation, which is published in the left column of the book.
Although numerous texts by Bogdani, Budi and some others survive, the variety of authors, mainly Catholic clerics, is small. Following the breakup of Yugoslavia in the s, the phenomenon of language bastardization has taken a new twist, moving in the opposite direction, as each newly formed state acts to shore up its own unique linguistic identity.
Before the common state collapsed, four of the six constituent republics, Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Montenegro, shared a common language known as Serbo-Croat.
Montenegro, which remained in a loose state union with Serbia until , then appeared content not to have its own separate language. But after independence, a new constitution adopted on October named the official language as Montenegrin. The study of Balkan languages came of age in the later 19th century as the Ottoman Empire began disintegrating and as intellectuals tasked with creating new nations out of its rubble turned to language to help forge national identities.
According Schumacher, each country in the Balkans forged its own national myth, just as Germany or the US had done earlier, with a view to creating foundations for a shared identity. He described the use of linguistics in national mythology as understandable, considering the context and the time when these countries gained independence.
The friction between ideological myth and reality, when it comes to forging national identity, and laying claim to territory, is not unique to Albania. The two Austrian linguists say that within European academia, Albanian is one of the most neglected languages, which provides an opportunity to conduct pioneering work.
In , the ban on religious practice was lifted and the establishment of political parties was permitted. Multi-party elections held in March resulted in a victory for the communists, who subsequently renamed themselves the Socialist Party of Albania. New elections held in spring led to the formation of a coalition government headed by the opposition Democratic Party. In the Democratic Party recorded a landslide victory in a general election which was widely reported as unfair.
In spring Albania descended into anarchy following the collapse of widespread pyramid saving schemes and the country remained unstable for some years until the early s.
Many of the issues facing Albania's minorities today are related to historical identity. For example, there has been a significant Bektashi community in Albania. The Bektashis follow a version of Islam akin to Sufism. In Albania, Bektashis want to be recognized as a separate branch of Islam - but the Sunni state representatives insist they are simply a sect. Thus, while they may practise their religion, they are not afforded special treatment as a separate religious minority.
The substantial Egyptian community sometimes known as Jevgs see themselves as distinct from the Roma community. According to some narratives, the Egyptians were descendants of Copic migrants who came from Egypt in the fourth century.
Other accounts say they are descended from Egyptian slaves who arrived in Albania in the nineteenth century. Whatever their true origins, the authorities do not recognize them as a separate minority in Albania, as to qualify for minority status under Albanian law, a group of individuals must meet certain criteria.
They must share the same language other than Albanian , have documentation to prove its distinct ethnic origin or national identity, and have distinct customs and traditions or a link to a kinship state outside of the country. The government maintains that the Egyptians did not meet some criteria, such as a distinct language and traditions, and instead considered them a community - rather than a distinct minority. Albania has always had a minority of Jews, the number of which was augmented in the sixteenth century by an influx of Sephardic Jews from Spain.
A steady decline in the Jewish population may be detected over the course of the twentieth century. In , the remnants of the Jewish minority, numbering about people, migrated en masse to Israel at the invitation of the Israeli government. Three minorities are officially recognized in Albania as national minorities - Greeks, Macedonians and Montenegrins. Egyptians are not recognized as either a national or a linguistic minority - although they would like their status to be acknowledged as such.
There is an urgent need for reliable figures on ethnic and religious minorities in Albania. Some of the figures which are quoted date back to the s.
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